Coal, Cages, Crisis Roundtable Roundtable

Introduction by
Lydia Pelot-Hobbs
Published
January 29, 2024
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Judah Schept’s Coal, Cages, Crisis excavates the carceral geography of Central Appalachia to remind us there are other futures for the region beyond the extractions of prison and coal.

Judah Schept’s Coal, Cages, Crisis: The Rise of the Prison Economy in Central Appalachia compels us to move our abolitionist thinking away from where is often seen as the heart of anti-carceral struggles – urban centers – to the Appalachian landscape. While Coal, Cages, Crisis focuses on a particular region, the book is more than a case study. It extends broader understandings of dialectics of carceral and abolitionist geographies amid global and national economic contradictions and realignments. Schept deftly traces how the layered extractive politics of coal and prisons have shaped the region while also highlighting the multitude of ways people have contested the rendering of Appalachia as a sacrifice zone. In recent years, prisons have been sold to and forced on residents as the answer to the “crises at the point of production and social reproduction” (Schept 2022, 16) confronting the region. Yet prisons do not solve the root problems facing Appalachians but deepen dispossession, exploitation, precarity, and vulnerability to premature death. Against the false promises of carceral futures, Appalachians and their comrades have forged abolitionist struggles across scales, firmly rooted in the militantly anti-racist and anti-capitalist Appalachian radical tradition. Schept highlights how they are making links and deploying strategies that abolitionists elsewhere can be learning from while they fight to a secure a different kind of future for everyone and anyone.

As Schept notes in the introduction to his book, over the last thirty years Central Appalachia has seen a boom of state and federal prison construction: 12 new prisons overall, eight in Eastern Kentucky. At the same time, the Appalachian coal economy has been in free fall marked by the drying up of jobs, the intensification of mining practices, and declining rates of profit. It would be easy to end there, but this is where Schept begins the story. In doing so, Coal, Cages, Crisis stretches our understanding of how extraction – as an ideology and material practice – is at the core of not only Appalachian prison expansions but also racial capitalism. Building on the work of scholars such as Ruth Wilson Gilmore (2007; 2022) and Laura Pulido (2016), Schept illuminates how extractions of land, natural resources, time, and money is a racializing project of Black, Brown, and Indigenous folks and not-quite white Appalachians. Coal industrialization was built upon settler enclosures that turned commons into commodities while reshaping the landscape – from the building of company towns to the development of strip mining. More recently, prison boosters have sought to naturalize the building of prisons on mountain top removal sites, and even gone as far to employ the technologies of mountaintop removal for prison building.

In his articulation of the dialectic of extraction and waste, Schept takes a cue from Eastern Kentucky residents who recognize prison expansion as part of a long history of Appalachia being rendered as “a place for trash” (44). Extractions produce literal waste – coal slurry, coal ash, trash incinerators. The concentration of these toxicities in the region is made logical through the rendering of Appalachians as “trash people.” At the same time, racialized surplus populations are deemed to be waste and subject to political and economic extractions. This takes many forms: predominately Black and Brown incarcerated people’s time, and thus lives, are extracted through their physical incapacitation in prisons. Appalachian residents – who disproportionally bear the environmental harms of waste – are afforded little of the state revenue from mining as these monies are, instead, put to use in projects such as sports facilities at the University of Kentucky.

Yet Coal, Cages, Crisis does not reduce Appalachia to carceral and extractive violence. Schept’s superb attention to multi-generational and multi-scalar abolitionist struggles is informed by his long-term embeddedness in abolitionist movements. Schept expands our genealogies of abolitionist politics to include the histories of coal worker militancy – from strikes for better working conditions to the setting fire on convict leasing camps and release of prisoners during the 1891 Coal Creek War. Zeroing in on the contemporary period, Schept details the alliances built in the pre-2021 campaign against the construction of the proposed federal prison USP Letcher. For instance, organizers connected with local landowner Mitch Whitaker who refused to sell his land to the Bureau of Prisons, likening this fight to his grandfather’s refusal to allow coal companies to mine on the same land. Moreover, as a federal prison project that could ostensibly incarcerate people from anywhere in the United States, anti-prison activists forged constituencies across vast geographies during the environmental review process. While emphasized the environmental hazards a prison would bring to Letcher County, movement lawyers brought forth a lawsuit that articulated that the federal Bureau of Prison had failed to include a key constituency – people incarcerated in the federal prison system. In this move, activists emphasized that incarcerated people are central to environmental justice, and that all federal prisons are always both local and national issues.

At the November 2022 Annual Meeting of the American Studies Association, I had the pleasure of chairing an ‘author meets readers’ panel on Coal, Cages, Crisis and am pleased to bring their remarks to publication. It is worth noting that these remarks came mere days after it was announced that the federal government was reviving its proposal to build USP Letcher in Eastern Kentucky – bringing into sharp relief the timeliness and significance of Schept’s book.  

Each of the roundtable contributors are abolitionist theorists and organizers in their own right who clarify the political questions and stakes of the book: How do we put the prison industrial complex into crisis (Gilmore)? How might attending to destruction reveal new truths about the circulations of capital (Heatherton)? What happens when we refuse to limit our analysis of racism to the narrow categories of disparity and diversity (Murakawa)? How does interrogating interfaces strengthen anti-carceral movements, especially amid the resurgence of the No Letcher Prison campaign (Ryerson)? Each of these reviews point us to one of the central thrusts of Coal, Cages, Crisis. Political struggles are at their core fights over what kinds of futures will be made and there are still countless possibilities for the collective future of Central Appalachia.

References:

Gilmore, RW (2007) Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Gilmore, RW (2022) Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation. London: Verso.  
Pulido, L (2016) Flint, environmental racism, and racial capitalism. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 27(3), 1-16.

Lydia Pelot-Hobbs is an assistant professor of Geography and African American & Africana Studies at the University of Kentucky. She is the author of Prison Capital: Mass Incarceration and Struggles for Abolition Democracy in Louisiana (forthcoming 2023 University of North Carolina Press).

essays in this forum

Reproduction in Crisis: On Schept’s Coal, Cages, Crisis

Judah Schept's method in Coal Cages Crisis is crucially rooted in his participation in abolitionist campaigns. The depth of the crisis he depicts in Appalachia might create openings for real democratization of social relations.

By

Craig Gilmore

Knife Strikes Bone: Exhaustion and the Limits to Creative Destruction

In this essay, Christina Heatherton reflects on how the abandonment and carceral infrastructure in Central Appalachia threaten to become generalized. She asks what more can be extracted from exhausted land and exhausted people? The knife, she writes, has struck bone.

By

Christina Heatherton

No More Sacred: Racism and Sacrifice in Central Appalachia

Judah Schept’s magnificent Coal, Cages, Crisis tells us that “prison building is not necessarily nefarious, it is even worse: it is insidiously quotidian.” The flipside of Schept’s “even worse” is something even better—the carceral is quotidian, but damn it so is abolition! In Central Appalachia resistance is a daily practice.

By

Naomi Murakawa

Inhabiting the Interfaces

Schept’s work gives us powerful analytic tools to grapple with the complexity of these overlapping layers of extraction, disposal, and abandonment. His careful attention to how prisons function to manage the poor and working classes in the places where they are constructed, is a crucial part of the architecture for building frameworks that are capacious enough to confront these facilities and the multiple, incommensurate extractions that they uphold, perpetuate, and enact.

By

Sylvia Ryerson

Solidarity Across Space and Scale: Coal, Cages, Crisis Review Response

Prisons and jails grow and expand in Central Appalachia as responses to the crises of uneven development, serving as purported solutions to everything from unemployment to revenue loss to infrastructure decline. In response, activists engage in principled study of and struggle against extractive and carceral economies, focused on the specific conditions of their own context and forged in connections across carceral geographies.

By

Judah Schept

Coal, Cages, Crisis Roundtable Roundtable

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cholars and practitioners of urban planning need to rethink the field’s futures at this important historical juncture: some might call it a moment of truth when there is little left to hide. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed many cracks, contradictions, and inequalities that have always existed but are now more visible. This also includes the global vaccine apartheid that is ongoing as I write these words. Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

What’s a Rich Text element?

Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

  • Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed.
  • Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real.
  • They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining.
  • I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

What’s a Rich Text element?

Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

  1. Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed.
  2. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real.
  3. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

What’s a Rich Text element?

Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

What’s a Rich Text element?

Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.

What’s a Rich Text element?

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Judah Schept’s Coal, Cages, Crisis: The Rise of the Prison Economy in Central Appalachia compels us to move our abolitionist thinking away from where is often seen as the heart of anti-carceral struggles – urban centers – to the Appalachian landscape. While Coal, Cages, Crisis focuses on a particular region, the book is more than a case study. It extends broader understandings of dialectics of carceral and abolitionist geographies amid global and national economic contradictions and realignments. Schept deftly traces how the layered extractive politics of coal and prisons have shaped the region while also highlighting the multitude of ways people have contested the rendering of Appalachia as a sacrifice zone. In recent years, prisons have been sold to and forced on residents as the answer to the “crises at the point of production and social reproduction” (Schept 2022, 16) confronting the region. Yet prisons do not solve the root problems facing Appalachians but deepen dispossession, exploitation, precarity, and vulnerability to premature death. Against the false promises of carceral futures, Appalachians and their comrades have forged abolitionist struggles across scales, firmly rooted in the militantly anti-racist and anti-capitalist Appalachian radical tradition. Schept highlights how they are making links and deploying strategies that abolitionists elsewhere can be learning from while they fight to a secure a different kind of future for everyone and anyone.

As Schept notes in the introduction to his book, over the last thirty years Central Appalachia has seen a boom of state and federal prison construction: 12 new prisons overall, eight in Eastern Kentucky. At the same time, the Appalachian coal economy has been in free fall marked by the drying up of jobs, the intensification of mining practices, and declining rates of profit. It would be easy to end there, but this is where Schept begins the story. In doing so, Coal, Cages, Crisis stretches our understanding of how extraction – as an ideology and material practice – is at the core of not only Appalachian prison expansions but also racial capitalism. Building on the work of scholars such as Ruth Wilson Gilmore (2007; 2022) and Laura Pulido (2016), Schept illuminates how extractions of land, natural resources, time, and money is a racializing project of Black, Brown, and Indigenous folks and not-quite white Appalachians. Coal industrialization was built upon settler enclosures that turned commons into commodities while reshaping the landscape – from the building of company towns to the development of strip mining. More recently, prison boosters have sought to naturalize the building of prisons on mountain top removal sites, and even gone as far to employ the technologies of mountaintop removal for prison building.

In his articulation of the dialectic of extraction and waste, Schept takes a cue from Eastern Kentucky residents who recognize prison expansion as part of a long history of Appalachia being rendered as “a place for trash” (44). Extractions produce literal waste – coal slurry, coal ash, trash incinerators. The concentration of these toxicities in the region is made logical through the rendering of Appalachians as “trash people.” At the same time, racialized surplus populations are deemed to be waste and subject to political and economic extractions. This takes many forms: predominately Black and Brown incarcerated people’s time, and thus lives, are extracted through their physical incapacitation in prisons. Appalachian residents – who disproportionally bear the environmental harms of waste – are afforded little of the state revenue from mining as these monies are, instead, put to use in projects such as sports facilities at the University of Kentucky.

Yet Coal, Cages, Crisis does not reduce Appalachia to carceral and extractive violence. Schept’s superb attention to multi-generational and multi-scalar abolitionist struggles is informed by his long-term embeddedness in abolitionist movements. Schept expands our genealogies of abolitionist politics to include the histories of coal worker militancy – from strikes for better working conditions to the setting fire on convict leasing camps and release of prisoners during the 1891 Coal Creek War. Zeroing in on the contemporary period, Schept details the alliances built in the pre-2021 campaign against the construction of the proposed federal prison USP Letcher. For instance, organizers connected with local landowner Mitch Whitaker who refused to sell his land to the Bureau of Prisons, likening this fight to his grandfather’s refusal to allow coal companies to mine on the same land. Moreover, as a federal prison project that could ostensibly incarcerate people from anywhere in the United States, anti-prison activists forged constituencies across vast geographies during the environmental review process. While emphasized the environmental hazards a prison would bring to Letcher County, movement lawyers brought forth a lawsuit that articulated that the federal Bureau of Prison had failed to include a key constituency – people incarcerated in the federal prison system. In this move, activists emphasized that incarcerated people are central to environmental justice, and that all federal prisons are always both local and national issues.

At the November 2022 Annual Meeting of the American Studies Association, I had the pleasure of chairing an ‘author meets readers’ panel on Coal, Cages, Crisis and am pleased to bring their remarks to publication. It is worth noting that these remarks came mere days after it was announced that the federal government was reviving its proposal to build USP Letcher in Eastern Kentucky – bringing into sharp relief the timeliness and significance of Schept’s book.  

Each of the roundtable contributors are abolitionist theorists and organizers in their own right who clarify the political questions and stakes of the book: How do we put the prison industrial complex into crisis (Gilmore)? How might attending to destruction reveal new truths about the circulations of capital (Heatherton)? What happens when we refuse to limit our analysis of racism to the narrow categories of disparity and diversity (Murakawa)? How does interrogating interfaces strengthen anti-carceral movements, especially amid the resurgence of the No Letcher Prison campaign (Ryerson)? Each of these reviews point us to one of the central thrusts of Coal, Cages, Crisis. Political struggles are at their core fights over what kinds of futures will be made and there are still countless possibilities for the collective future of Central Appalachia.

References:

Gilmore, RW (2007) Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Gilmore, RW (2022) Abolition Geography: Essays Towards Liberation. London: Verso.  
Pulido, L (2016) Flint, environmental racism, and racial capitalism. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 27(3), 1-16.

Lydia Pelot-Hobbs is an assistant professor of Geography and African American & Africana Studies at the University of Kentucky. She is the author of Prison Capital: Mass Incarceration and Struggles for Abolition Democracy in Louisiana (forthcoming 2023 University of North Carolina Press).