To follow the infrastructure in Tangerine--the artificial built form and fluorescent orange light that flood the screen--reveals the everyday occasions where it is both enforced ‘properly’ and transgressed improperly. It reveals a literal and figurative repurposing as Sin-Dee and Alexandra move through the city toward intimacies they cherish, and those they don’t (Wilson, 2016: 262).

The celebration of Peter Munk’s life based on wealth and donations reveals a lot about the values of Canada as a settler colonial nation. His financial gifts have undoubtedly funded important programs such as medical research and innovations. But at what cost, and for whom?

This article is not trying to argue that the average modern hacker has abandoned the principles of liberalism, antiauthoritarian, justice, and freedom; instead, it is worth uncovering the individuals/groups behind state sanctioned hacking offensives, their motives and most importantly the consequences of their attempts to destabilize and repurpose cyber infrastructure.

The infrastructure of domestic privacy serves to contain and conceal abuse and exploitation, hiding it from public scrutiny, and creating an uneven dynamic that often carries echoes of colonial relationships between the global north and global south. 

For India, the rail infrastructure is a means to further consolidate itself as a nation-state: building material infrastructures on Kashmiri territory facilitates the blurring of boundaries between the independent state of India and the occupied territory of Kashmir, which the state claims is an “integral part of India”. For Kashmiris, however, the rail line is another manifestation of a brutal occupation that constantly penetrates and haunts their territory.

The rhetoric of personal security, such as connecting hackers to terrorists, became a way for the state to justify its policies regarding the criminalisation of hackers and securitisation of the internet, as well as their desire to restrict the principle of freedom of information.

Understanding unseeing as an infrastructure reframes the conflict in Jerusalem, exposing the less spectacular forms of violence that sustain Israeli settler colonialism.

In the context of infrastructure and spatial mnemonics, the politics of collective occlusion suggests that alternative methods of memory-making, meaning-making and place-making might be imagined and actualized by contemporary geographers. It is along this road that I would like to signpost the (im)possible spatial mnemonics of black infrastructure.

In this piece, I explore the utility of infrastructure as a heuristic for understanding the conditions within which peasant agriculture might thrive. Using the distinct demands within these two junctures in Mexican history, I seek to understand agrarian movements as a struggle over the “infrastructures of peasant farming”: in other words, the structural conditions necessary to enable the viability of peasant forms of agriculture.

Holiday Mountain Fun Park, in the rural Hudson Valley region of New York state, boasts a number of rides and attractions that are colorful, if past their 1980s prime. The only one that registered for the group of eight 13-year old boys in our summer research program, however, was the go-kart track.

Law, legal systems, and the authority to impose them become highly historicized objects, ones that are spatially and relationally contingent in their production, enactment, and perpetuation. Through examining jurisdiction as infrastructure then, colonial and imperial authority not only become, but already are, contested and contestable claims.

It is evident in Standing Rock’s unfolding situation that the ongoing fusion between the state’s war machine and the private oil enterprise triggers much shock and resistance in contemporary politics. To study the colonial nature of violence committed on behalf of energy conglomerates today it is important to remember that the protection of oil interests through organized militarism is a continued form of dispossession that has a long legacy in early 20th century colonial agendas.

While this particular understanding of fugitivity is extremely useful when describing the precarity of life under settler colonial occupation for Indigenous peoples, I would like to propose that an alternative conception of the fugitive is necessary when discussing the creative forms of resistance that have defined much of the #NoDAPL movement. What follows is a meditation on the idea of Indigenous fugitivity as radical glitch, or “glitchfrastructure” (Berlant, 2016).

While often represented through a Jane Jacobsian lens of humble multicultural livability, there is a large body of research documenting another Toronto story; a settler colonial city of sprawling borders and violent social ordering that produces the kind of systemic premature death that Ruthie Gilmore has helped us to know as racism. Sandy Hudson, of Black Lives Matter—Toronto, and Rinaldo Walcott insist that when it comes to anti-Black racism, knowledge is abundant but meaningful action is in painfully short supply. Indeed, reports and official commissions that document the problem have been piling up for decades.

Through this piece, I build on both a foundation of landscape ecology and the extensive scholarship of border studies to contextualize the border as an edge of more extensive patterns and conditions of territorialization and land control. Tracing the relationship between landscape, mobility, and the border as an infrastructure of the state, I consider the geometries of both interrupted and intersected lines alongside thickened and variegated zones as alternative spatial understandings of boundaries and edges.

On January 28, 2017, the chant “No Ban! No Registry! Fuck White Supremacy!” echoed through the crowd stationed in front of the John F. Kennedy (JFK) International Airport. This is the story of the O’Hare ‘shit-in.’

The barrier directly arrests movement and denies circulation, making visible what Doreen Massey refers to as “power geometries”: the physical and institutional structures allowing movement and access for some but not for others. On the inside of the fence there is the spatial compression of world leaders discussing those they govern inside anonymous convention center rooms and multinational hotels, on the outside the governed are held static by the fence’s physical structure.

Israel simultaneously demolishes and builds. Dispossessing Palestinians of their homes and replacing the population with Jewish settler colonies. But as Afifi's comments suggest, more forces are at work beyond dispossession, theft and demographic (re)calibration.

Over the last few years, the sacred Mountain of Mauna Kea has been the site of an ongoing war between Hawaiian land defenders and imperial forces. Initiated by plans for the construction of a piece of next-generation astronomical infrastructure, the battle speaks to a larger fight against colonial occupation and the role of infrastructure in maintaining the cultural, spiritual, and political hegemonies that produce it.

Here I link the Canadian state’s political, legal, and material infrastructure with its own violent practices which are simultaneously its foundation and its means of reproduction. Specifically, the discussion is focused around Japanese Canadian internment during WWII and its redress in 1988 to ask how wartime and post-internment infrastructures can produce conditions that make particular bodies incarcerable at one time and incorporable into the nation at another.

The failure to include people with disabilities at the earliest of planning stages and in the infancy of infrastructure development excludes us from the lifeworld of structure and more broadly, a long awaited radical social acceptance. The lifeworld of structure must include disability and this task is particularly urgent when it comes to equitable access to transportation.