In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
Food Justice Now! Deepening the Roots of Social Struggle, Joshua Sbicca, 2018, Minnesota, University of Minnesota Press, 302 pp., US$27.00 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-5179-0401-2
In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
I begin by expressing my deep gratitude for how Charles Levkoe, Garrett Graddy-Lovelace, Ashanté Reese, Kristin Reynolds, and Antonio Roman-Alcalá engage Food Justice Now! As scholars and educators committed to critically interrogating our human experience with agriculture and food, and who do so as activists embedded in an array of social change efforts, each of them expresses a praxis. I share this affinity for linking theory and practice. And it is a tension-filled commitment. In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
One of the challenges in determining the parameters of food justice is that activists and scholars understand and deploy the term to refer to an array of food politics. The reviews repeatedly pick up on this point. Graddy-Lovelace rightly points out that we cannot leave out farmers and farm justice or food vis-à-vis a decolonial politics. As this question of inclusion and exclusion relates to broader food movements in the United States, Reynolds asks where food justice fits in as an idea, identity, and movement. Food Justice Now! unearths heterogenous movement roots and shoots, but clearly more work is needed that traces movement convergences and divergences. I agree that we should answer Reese’s question about intersections between food movements and other social movements to account for the historical and contemporary diversity of justice-focused food politics.
A separate but related point is about food justice practices, namely whether they are capable of dismantling systems of oppression and advancing human flourishing. This in part revolves around the longstanding debate on the left over the primacy of non-state prefigurative politics or state-centered confrontational strategies. I think that we need both and that to choose one is to ignore how varying levels of power and privilege, as well as context, shape the politically possible. While Graddy-Lovelace suggests the need for new parity policies to achieve farm justice, and therefore more fully actualize the political goals of food justice, Roman-Alcalá strongly proposes that any food justice policy and engagement with the state is limited. But the conjunctures I identify in the book show that food justice practices reflect many social movement lineages and varying economic, political, and social conditions. This abuts what I see as a false strategic choice between non-state/state targets for the food justice movement, which in practice is a network of networks and a movement of movements that intersects with a food system that is a system of systems.
If we take seriously the heterogeneity of the struggle for food justice stemming from frontline communities facing the harshest effects of the violence of capitalism, colonialism, white supremacy, and patriarchy, then the different emphases of each review are actually generative of the questions we should be asking. Seen through the lens of scholar-activism, they are critical to understanding and perhaps expanding the parameters and practices of food justice.
While space permits me from a fuller response to every point made in this collaborative review, my hope is that this is just one moment in an ongoing dialectical engagement that extends beyond the page and into the streets.
In Homestead, Indigenous Maya migrants displaced during and after scorched earth counterinsurgency work in ornamental plant and palm nurseries, filling U.S. subdivisions and yards with verdant plant life. These flourishing plants produce and stabilize suburban property regimes across the country.
In conversation with Black and Caribbean Studies intellect and poetics, we first problematize how dominant ways of writing about black harm not only reproduce anti-black violence but also neglect the desires of quiet sovereignty in the experience of harm. Second, we re-story Leticia’s sociality as immanent and acostumbrarse as a collective politics of perseverance that ebbs and flows in this hydro-sociality.
This essay addresses how race-liberal U.S. social scientists helped shore up the nation and an ascendant modern U.S. racial capitalism by translating such crises into the geoeconomic commensurabilities at the heart of a universalist U.S. nationalism and U.S.-led international finance.
cholars and practitioners of urban planning need to rethink the field’s futures at this important historical juncture: some might call it a moment of truth when there is little left to hide. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed many cracks, contradictions, and inequalities that have always existed but are now more visible. This also includes the global vaccine apartheid that is ongoing as I write these words. Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
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Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed.
Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real.
They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining.
I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
What’s a Rich Text element?
Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed.
Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real.
They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
What’s a Rich Text element?
Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
What’s a Rich Text element?
Moreover, this is a time when the violence through which U.S. imperialism has exercised power worldwide is increasingly exposed. Protests in the summer of 2020, which spread all over the United States like fire through a long-dried haystack, showed Americans and the whole world that racialized violence and police brutality are real. They also revealed that such brutality is spatially facilitated in American apartheid—a condition that planning has been far from innocent in creating and maintaining. I think this reckoning is particularly important in the United States, the belly of the beast, where there might have been more of an illusion about planning innocence.
What’s a Rich Text element?
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I begin by expressing my deep gratitude for how Charles Levkoe, Garrett Graddy-Lovelace, Ashanté Reese, Kristin Reynolds, and Antonio Roman-Alcalá engage Food Justice Now! As scholars and educators committed to critically interrogating our human experience with agriculture and food, and who do so as activists embedded in an array of social change efforts, each of them expresses a praxis. I share this affinity for linking theory and practice. And it is a tension-filled commitment. In the spirit of collectively working through how praxis relates to the politics of food justice, I offer responses that try to link what I see as common themes across the reviews.
One of the challenges in determining the parameters of food justice is that activists and scholars understand and deploy the term to refer to an array of food politics. The reviews repeatedly pick up on this point. Graddy-Lovelace rightly points out that we cannot leave out farmers and farm justice or food vis-à-vis a decolonial politics. As this question of inclusion and exclusion relates to broader food movements in the United States, Reynolds asks where food justice fits in as an idea, identity, and movement. Food Justice Now! unearths heterogenous movement roots and shoots, but clearly more work is needed that traces movement convergences and divergences. I agree that we should answer Reese’s question about intersections between food movements and other social movements to account for the historical and contemporary diversity of justice-focused food politics.
A separate but related point is about food justice practices, namely whether they are capable of dismantling systems of oppression and advancing human flourishing. This in part revolves around the longstanding debate on the left over the primacy of non-state prefigurative politics or state-centered confrontational strategies. I think that we need both and that to choose one is to ignore how varying levels of power and privilege, as well as context, shape the politically possible. While Graddy-Lovelace suggests the need for new parity policies to achieve farm justice, and therefore more fully actualize the political goals of food justice, Roman-Alcalá strongly proposes that any food justice policy and engagement with the state is limited. But the conjunctures I identify in the book show that food justice practices reflect many social movement lineages and varying economic, political, and social conditions. This abuts what I see as a false strategic choice between non-state/state targets for the food justice movement, which in practice is a network of networks and a movement of movements that intersects with a food system that is a system of systems.
If we take seriously the heterogeneity of the struggle for food justice stemming from frontline communities facing the harshest effects of the violence of capitalism, colonialism, white supremacy, and patriarchy, then the different emphases of each review are actually generative of the questions we should be asking. Seen through the lens of scholar-activism, they are critical to understanding and perhaps expanding the parameters and practices of food justice.
While space permits me from a fuller response to every point made in this collaborative review, my hope is that this is just one moment in an ongoing dialectical engagement that extends beyond the page and into the streets.
